The administration of U.S. President Donald Trump has demonstrated a clear intent to reassert American influence throughout the Caribbean, viewing the region as a vital component of its broader national security strategy. As a result of this renewed focus, Cuba has re-emerged as a primary flashpoint. With Beijing and Moscow increasingly expanding their economic and strategic footprints in Havana, the island has transformed into a central theatre for great power competition involving the United States, China, and Russia. Viewing this foreign encroachment as a direct threat, Washington has intensified its rhetoric. Crucially, the administration has explicitly characterised Cuba as a “failing state”—a designation that highlights the island's severe internal crises and signals Washington's belief that proactive, decisive intervention is necessary to prevent further destabilisation on America's doorstep.
This expanding U.S. posture in the Western Hemisphere is driven by a deep-seated desire to consolidate regional control and push back against geopolitical rivals. It aligns seamlessly with the historical framework of the Monroe Doctrine, which has long asserted American dominance and rejected outside interference in the Americas. Against the backdrop of these escalating tensions, a critical strategic question arises: Is the United States becoming increasingly likely to pursue direct military intervention to resolve the Cuban issue, or will it maintain a strategy of maximum pressure—relying on coercive measures such as severe economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and political coercion—to advance its long-term objectives?
The United States started putting sanctions on Syria as early as 1979, mostly because Syria was labelled as a State Sponsor of Terrorism (SST). The first designation was based on Syria's military occupation of Lebanon and its support for groups like Hezbollah that the government paid for. This early policy took a harsh and threatening stance against a government that was seen as hostile and supportive of non-state actors that were seen as a threat to U.S. interests.
After the Syrian conflict started in 2011, the U.S. greatly increased its sanctions against the Assad government. The goal of these more extensive measures was to stop the Syrian government from using violence against its people and to encourage political changes that could get to the bottom of the conflict. This was a big change from only focussing on counter-terrorism to a wider agenda that included human rights and changing the behaviour of the regime, with some elements of coercive diplomacy.
The end of Bashar al-Assad's rule in early December 2024 marks a major change in Syria's politics. This event changed the main goal of the long-standing U.S. sanctions, which were mostly aimed at the now-deposed government.
In May 2025, during a trip to Saudi Arabia, U.S. President Donald Trump made a big announcement: he would lift sanctions on Syria. He said this would "give them a chance at greatness." Many people see this announcement as a "historic development" that has "major potential to improve living conditions" and "support the Syrian political transition." The goal is to make the area more stable and improve Syria's economic prospects after years of being held back by harsh international sanctions. This paper looks at the United States' sanctions against Syria in depth, putting the recent change in policy in the context of its history and the law.
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