China

On July 15, 2026, reports revealed that the EU has authorised Ukraine to purchase Chinese drone components using EU defence funds. This decision is striking, as although Europe accuses China of supporting Russia's military-industrial development and seeks to contain China’s military capabilities, the new shift suggests that it may represent a new geopolitical reality rather than a temporary wartime exception.   This decision represents a new direction where Europe has been obligated to finance Chinese defence-related industries because no viable alternative exists. This points to a broader strategic aspiration where China tries to position itself to become an indispensable supplier of military components. It means supplying the core parts and technologies upon which global weapons production increasingly depends. This raises a crucial question: can China leverage its dominance in military components to become the indispensable infrastructure of global defence production?

Access to low Earth orbit has undergone a structural transformation over the past fifteen years, shifting from a sovereign undertaking financed by the budgets of major states into a logistics service bought and sold by the kilogram. The global space economy reached roughly $626 billion in 2025, with commercial activity accounting for close to 78% of that total, and projections place it between $1 trillion and $1.8 trillion by 2035 — even though launch services on their own amount to no more than $14 billion. That disparity points to a basic truth: launch is not the market being contested. It is the gateway whose price determines the nature and the scale of everything that can be built beyond the atmosphere.   This structural shift rests on a single pivotal engineering innovation: recovering the first stage of the rocket and flying it again rather than discarding it after every mission. Recovery allows the capital cost of manufacturing to be distributed across multiple flights, and it demolished the price floor that had governed the market for decades. The consequence has been to narrow the technological contest over low-orbit reusability to two principal powers: the United States, which operates a mature fleet flying at an intensive and near-routine cadence, and China, which since mid-2024 has been conducting an accelerated, high-risk test campaign in pursuit of the same capability. The threshold of reaching orbit has therefore ceased to function as the technological dividing line between the two; the real remaining challenge lies in mastering precision guidance through the final metres before a safe landing.   Therefore, this analysis aims to unpack the economics of reusability and locate the true bottleneck within the cost structure; to then measure the gap between Washington and Beijing through two distinct indicators, namely the number of launches and the mass delivered to orbit; and finally to estimate the technical and temporal distance separating China from its first successful recovery, together with what its completion would mean for global launch pricing and for the budgets of the megaconstellations on which satellite internet services depend.

On June 17, 2026, China published its first comprehensive white paper on global governance titled "More Just and Equitable Global Governance: China's Principles, Proposals and Actions," which constitutes a translation of China's long-standing aspiration to shape the international order. The paper proposes a new model redefining principles and institutions while advocating for multilateralism in the international order. However, it seems that China concentrates on leadership grounded in normative influence rather than the financial and military commitments that have historically accompanied global leadership.   The release of the white paper coincides with new developments China faces, notably economic structural headwinds. Such developments provide strong context for the White Paper’s focus on normative leadership. This raises a crucial question” Can China's cost-averse model of global leadership translate normative influence into sustainable geopolitical leadership?

For decades, the automotive sector has been the industrial backbone of the European Union, employing roughly 13.8 million people—8.1% of the bloc’s manufacturing jobs—generating close to 7% of its GDP and a trade surplus exceeding €79.5 billion. Yet this entrenched primacy is now exposed. The legislated phase-out of the internal combustion engine (ICE) by 2035, structurally elevated energy costs, and China’s state-backed scaling of new energy vehicles (NEVs) have converged to erode advantages built over a century. Within a single decade, China has vaulted from an assembler of imported technology to the global pacesetter in battery chemistry, critical-mineral refining, and software-defined vehicle production.   Accordingly, this analysis aims to provide a rigorous quantitative assessment of Europe’s eroding automotive competitiveness against China’s ascent, across three interlocking axes: the empirical evidence of the market shift, the financial and economic root causes, and the strategic outlook for a continent now forced onto the defensive.

By mid-2026, the US agricultural sector stands at a critical juncture where macroeconomic shocks intersect with geopolitical repercussions and sharp shifts in domestic trade policy. This has been reflected acutely in the traditional political alliances of rural America—which have historically constituted a formidable electoral stronghold for the Republican Party and, in particular, for President Donald Trump—as they undergo deep structural fractures that continue to widen, driven by the direct economic effects of stringent protectionist trade policies, disruptions to the regulatory framework governing biofuels, and regional conflicts that have combined to erode profit margins and undermine farmers’ confidence in the current system.   To understand the roots of this crisis, it is necessary to examine the nature of the implicit economic contract between the current Republican administration and its rural base. Historically, the government’s strategy rested on a two-dimensional approach: engineering stringent industrial tariffs to protect the domestic manufacturing base, while simultaneously attempting to insulate the agricultural sector from the adverse repercussions of these policies through the injection of exceptional federal support packages. However, the dynamics of 2025 and 2026 have undermined the wager on the sustainability of this equation. The economic strain generated by this dual approach translated into tangible political mobilisation, the effects of which were clearly reflected in opinion polls and primary-election indicators that came as a shock to the Republican camp.   Building on the foregoing, and with the crisis shifting from the economic sphere to the arena of electoral contestation, this analysis seeks to dissect the deep economic drivers that have produced the current state of agricultural frustration, evaluate the effectiveness of government measures in the areas of trade and energy, and assess the extent of the shift in the political calculations of rural voters. Drawing on a systematic reading of quantitative indicators and an examination of the results of the Iowa primary elections, this analysis attempts to anticipate the trajectory of this discontent: does it merely represent a temporary wave of backlash-driven anger, or is it laying the foundations for a broader political realignment capable of reshaping the balance of power in Washington ahead of the midterm elections?

In the early hours of May 13, US President Donald Trump travelled to China to engage in high stakes talks with his Chinese counterpart Chinese President Xi Jinping. These talks are taking place in the context of heightened global instability stemming from conflicts such as the US-Israel-Iran War and the economics shocks stemming from this conflict. Within this context, both governments are set to engage in conversations aimed at stabilizing the US-China relationship and partaking in strategic dialogue regarding geopolitical and economic uncertainty. This summit can potentially shape the future of the US-China relationship as the outcome of these talks can shape the economic and security relationship between the two nations and their partners in the long run. Therefore, an exploration into this summit is needed and will focus on explaining the reason the summit is happening now, the mindset of the parties entering the summit, the topics on the agenda, and the potential outcomes of the summit.

The U.S.-Israel-Iran War is well underway, and the risks of spillover and enlargement is becoming more of a reality as the war goes on. As the conflict continues to expand, several actors are seeking out opportunities to challenge the existing balance of power in the region and aim to exploit the war to expand their influence. In the past decade, Russia has been working to court the United States’ MENA allies into its sphere of influence through the concept of regime stability, while China is taking on a soft power approach through economic and diplomatic cooperation. A prolonged war between the U.S.-Israel and Iran can result in global powers such as Russia and China getting more involved in the region to diminish American influence globally, which can result in a great power competition. The potential of Iran serving as an arena for great power competition will be explored through the American strategic overstretch and the economic shock caused by energy crisis.

Economic and geopolitical relations between China and Israel have undergone significant changes following the War on Gaza. Chinese regulatory authorities moved to classify certain areas within Israel under what is known as the Red Category, an official administrative designation that identifies these locations as high-risk investment zones. This classification imposes legal restrictions that prevent the injection of new financial investments into these areas.   As a result, a legal environment has emerged in which Chinese companies rely on security warning protocols and personnel safety considerations as a formal justification for controlling capital flows and suspending the implementation of certain financial obligations under previously signed contracts. This development necessitates a careful examination to understand how these risk assessment mechanisms operate and their tangible impact on the economic relationship between the two countries.

Iran has blocked maritime navigation through the Strait of Hormuz since the first week of March, following the attacks it sustained during Operation Epic Fury. This disruption has hindered the movement of nearly 20 million barrels of crude oil per day. It has trapped shipments of liquefied natural gas, accounting for around 20% of global consumption, within the waters of the Arabian Gulf. As a result, international energy markets are experiencing sharp price volatility affecting Brent crude futures and European gas contracts.   At the same time, maritime shipping lines have been compelled to reroute their commercial fleets, forcing them to navigate around the historic Cape of Good Hope route at the southern tip of Africa. This enforced geographic diversion adds approximately 19 days to maritime transit times to and from Asia, generating weekly losses for global supply chains estimated at between $2 billion and $3 billion in additional operating and fuel costs.   This operational disruption directly affects the technological infrastructure of East Asia, where advanced semiconductor fabrication facilities in Taiwan and South Korea require vast, continuous electricity supplies to operate lithography systems around the clock. These critical facilities, which account for approximately 68% of global semiconductor production, rely on imported liquefied natural gas to ensure the stability of their power networks and prevent disruptions.   In parallel, the precision manufacturing processes involved depend on highly specialised raw materials whose primary sources are concentrated in regions currently affected by the crisis. In particular, production lines require ultra-high-purity helium gas, extracted as a by-product from Gulf LNG liquefaction facilities, which represent roughly 35% of global supply, as well as bromine, which Korean factories import at a rate of 97.5% from the Dead Sea coast for chemical etching processes. Accordingly, technology firms are accelerating efforts to assess their exposure to the dual energy and critical chemical input shortages. At the same time, economic stakeholders monitor the crisis's trajectory with heightened caution to safeguard supply chain continuity.   Accordingly, this analysis examines the strategic and operational implications arising from the closure, focusing on three principal dimensions. First, it addresses the disruption of liquefied natural gas supplies and their direct impact on the security of power grids that sustain major Asian semiconductor manufacturing hubs. Second, it examines the sharp interruption in the supply of critical raw materials, particularly specialised gases and petrochemical inputs required for precision manufacturing processes. Finally, it explores the logistical repercussions of the forced rerouting of maritime shipping routes, as well as the strategic measures states are considering to mitigate future geopolitical risks.

The United States and Israel launched Operation Epic Fury in late February 2026, targeting Iran’s nuclear and missile infrastructure and seeking to remove its political leadership. Although the operation achieved its initial tactical objectives with high precision, it provoked an asymmetric retaliatory response from the remaining Iranian forces. This response took the form of a comprehensive blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, the world’s most critical maritime artery for energy transport, triggering a severe global economic shock. Such disruption could propel the international system towards reducing its reliance on fossil fuels and accelerating the adoption of alternative domestic energy solutions, most notably nuclear power.   At the same time, global electricity demand is rising sharply, driven by the rapid expansion of advanced artificial intelligence infrastructure and high-performance computing facilities. This sudden disruption of fuel supplies places policymakers in major industrial economies under immediate economic and security pressures, while simultaneously exposing the profound consequences of closing the Strait. In this context, the present analysis examines the repercussions of the Strait of Hormuz's closure on global supply chains. It then develops a historical comparison with the oil price shocks of the 1970s, illustrating how those crises redirected states towards nuclear technology. The study concludes by analysing emerging regulatory and financial measures, as well as new geopolitical alignments, that are accelerating the global drive to construct nuclear reactors in 2026.

The U.S.-Israel and Iran War has affected the interests of many countries. In the last few days, China emerged as a significant player in these events. Beijing called for an immediate halt to the attacks by both sides and the protection of vessels passing through the Strait of Hormuz, culminating with the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi pledging to send a special envoy to the Middle East for mediation.   Beijing has interconnected interests in the Middle East that are significantly affected by the war and will most likely reshape its strategic opportunities in the region, particularly in terms of energy security, trade routes, and diplomatic relations with key regional players. Beijing’s pragmatic foreign policy approach toward the region relies on protecting its economic interests and maintaining a strategic balance. So, the war could provide an opportunity for China to navigate new opportunities in the region and, consequently, expand its influence, particularly by strengthening ties with other oil-producing nations and increasing its investments in reconstruction efforts.   Likewise, China’s strategic partnership with Iran mainly revolves around oil supply and large-scale investments. The consequences of the war raise questions about the future of this relationship and the possibility that China may reshape its foreign policy toward Tehran if it faces a potential decline in Iran’s ability to sustain such interests as a result of the strain on its power after the war.

The military operations that unfolded over twelve days in June 2025 between Iran and Israel marked a sharp breakpoint in the trajectory of regional military balance. The confrontation resulted in a substantial erosion of Tehran’s military infrastructure and inflicted significant material losses. The depth of this operational failure was most evident in the near-total collapse of Iran’s integrated air-defence system, with confirmed intelligence assessments indicating that Israel succeeded in neutralising more than 80 surface-to-air missile batteries and destroying over 120 launch platforms. This effectively stripped Iranian airspace of its protective shield and imposed a state of absolute Israeli air superiority.   Amid this collapse, Tehran effectively lost its entire arsenal of the Russian-made S-300PMU2 (“S-300 PMU-2”) systems, which it had acquired in 2016 after protracted negotiations and at considerable financial cost. These systems were systematically destroyed between 2024 and 2025. Iran’s domestic air-defence industries, represented by the Bavar-373 and Khordad-15 systems, also demonstrated clear operational inadequacy when tested in a real combat environment.   This exposed a wide technological gap between Israel’s offensive capabilities and Iran’s defensive assets. The Iranian air-defence network failed to record the downing of a single manned Israeli fighter jet, and Iran’s ageing air force, reliant on pre-revolution legacy aircraft such as the F-14 Tomcat, the Phantom, and the Tiger, supplemented by 1990s-era MiG-29s, stood incapable of competing or deterring effectively.   This total inability to contest the battlespace not only underscored tactical failure but delivered a decisive blow to the strategic assumptions underpinning Iran’s defence doctrine for decades, particularly its reliance on “asymmetric missile deterrence” and hybrid layered-defence networks.   Confronted with a reality in which its missile capabilities were neutralised and its aerial shield dismantled, the Iranian leadership was compelled to adopt a “post-war reset” strategy, launching an urgent acquisition campaign aimed at closing the technological gap by turning eastward towards Russia and China to rebuild its lost deterrence.   The fundamental question that will shape the next phase in the Middle East remains: Can this “hybrid deterrence”, comprising domestic missiles alongside imported, only partially integrated weapon systems, endure against an adversary that has already demonstrated both the willingness and the capability to deliver devastating strikes deep inside Iran?